Labrador StraitsSummary and Conclusions
The Dorset Eskimo Occupation of Stock Cove
The existence of the Stock Cove site, and its areal extent, was initially surprising. Situated in a southern region of insular Newfoundland, it lies near the southernmost limit of the annual pack ice, the immense ice field which brought and still brings vast herds of seals to the shores of the Island each spring. These migratory seals have long been considered the mainstay of prehistoric Newfoundland hunters, and not without reasons. Dorset Eskimo sites are often situated in prime sealing locations, and faunal assemblages from the few sites where soil conditions have been suited to organic preservation are characterized by a high frequency of sea mammal bones. Indeed, one usually thinks of Dorset people and harp seals as inseparable. The discovery of a Dorset Eskimo habitation site in a location not frequented by migratory harp seals raised questions as to the subsistence base of these people. Stock Cove is not only located in Trinity Bay, where harp seals are uncommon, but it is situated in the innermost part of the bay, where the appearance of a herd of harp seals today would be exceptional indeed. Two general explanations might account for the presence of the site at Stock Cove. Climatic conditions 1300-1500 years ago (an established period of Dorset occupation at the site) may have been different, to such a degree that pack ice and harp seals were common at that time in Trinity Bay; or, the Dorset inhabitants of Stock Cove were successfully hunting other sea and/or land mammals, species which have not hitherto been considered mainstays of Dorset Eskimo subsistance in insular Newfoundland.
The size of the Stock Cove site was also unexpected. It is a large and rich site, eclipsed in extent only by one other known site on the island -- Phillip's Garden, Port au Choix. It is necessary therefore to not only provide an explanation for the presence of a Dorset Eskimo site in a seemingly anomalous location, but also account for the magnitude of the Dorset occupation, as portrayed by the wealth of artifactual and structural remains.
Excavations in 1981 revealed that Stock Cove had witnessed repeated human habitation. Although the Dorset Eskimo culture was the primary research focus, it was, as with most multi-component sites, impossible to ignore other occupations. The excavated area comprised about 1.4-2.8% of the entire site, and from this sample Maritime Archaic, Groswater, Dorset Eskimo, Recent Indian and European artifacts were recovered. Maritime Archaic artifacts number only a few specimens and did not appear to be in situ. Some occurred in the Dorset Eskimo midden deposit, while others were collected from the eroding bank. The bulk of the collection (approximately 80%) consists of Dorset Eskimo tools, with Recent Indian artifacts comprising about 18%. At least one artifact recovered from a deposit below the Dorset occupation level probably pertains to Groswater phase Palaeo-Eskimo, and a radiocarbon date of 2140±60 B.P. derived from wood charcoal associated with it supports this assumption.
One Dorset structure, constructed of flagstones and incorporating a hearth and a midden was exposed. Radiocarbon dating of both the hearth and the midden suggest that this structure was occupied 1280±60 B.P. (ca. A.D. 670). Another Dorset hearth was excavated and dated 1560±60 B.P. (ca. A.D. 390), and is believed to relate to an older and now partially destroyed structure. This latter hearth was overlain by a possible Recent Indian feature -- a grouping of fire-cracked cobbles and other rocks -- which may be either a hearth or refuse from a hearth. The disturbance of the A.D. 390 Dorset structure may have been effected either by these Indians or by another Dorset group, perhaps the builders of the A.D. 670 house.
The collection of Dorset Eskimo lithic artifacts from Stock Cove includes weapons, a variety of cutting and scraping instruments, manufacturing tools, unfinished forms of tools, fragments of soapstone vessels, and debris from tool-making. These categories include the range of stone artifacts usually discovered at Dorset sites, and indicate that a variety of activities occurred at Stock Cove. Maintenance activities, such as tool manufacture and upkeep along with general housekeeping chores are indicated, in conjunction with the hunting and butchering of land and/or sea animals. The high frequencies of harpoon end blades and microblades suggest that the site was a favoured hunting and butchering locale.
A distinctive chert was used for making most of the Dorset tools. Originally blue or blue-green in colour it now exhibits a white, brown, or mottled brown and white patina. Similar material has been recovered from Frenchmen's Island, 13 km north of Stock Cove, from several sites in Placentia Bay, and at locations along the south coast of the Island. It occurs rarely in assemblages from the Beaches and Shambler's Cove in Bonavista Bay. This chert was frequently employed in making harpoon end blades and bifaces, and occasionally scrapers and blades. More commonly, however, the latter tool types were manufactured from crystalline quartz. Grinding is common on chert end blades.Some have body or basal grinding facets, while others are completely ground, after the fashion of a slate end blade. A few bifaces and end scrapers (manufactured from the patinated chert) also show grinding facets.
No faunal remains were recovered from Stock Cove in Dorset Eskimo context. The subsistence routine of the Dorset inhabitants has been inferred from ecological and historical data, and thus remains open to revision. Spring harp seal hunting likely did not figure prominantly in Dorset subsistence at Stock Cove although the possibility exists that different climatic or even weather conditions once brought pack ice and harp seals into inner Trinity Bay on a regular basis, yet I prefer to exclude this possibility until it has been demonstrated. Since the existence of Dorset Eskimo sites along the south coast of Newfoundland clearly shows that harp seals were not vital to Dorset Eskimo survival, I prefer instead to hypothesize a subsistence routine centered around the resources which probably did exist, chiefly caribou and harbour seals, and secondarily grey seals, salmon, arctic hare, and several species of coastal fishes and birds.
The size of the Stock Cove site was also unexpected. It is a large and rich site, eclipsed in extent only by one other known site on the island -- Phillip's Garden, Port au Choix. It is necessary therefore to not only provide an explanation for the presence of a Dorset Eskimo site in a seemingly anomalous location, but also account for the magnitude of the Dorset occupation, as portrayed by the wealth of artifactual and structural remains.
Excavations in 1981 revealed that Stock Cove had witnessed repeated human habitation. Although the Dorset Eskimo culture was the primary research focus, it was, as with most multi-component sites, impossible to ignore other occupations. The excavated area comprised about 1.4-2.8% of the entire site, and from this sample Maritime Archaic, Groswater, Dorset Eskimo, Recent Indian and European artifacts were recovered. Maritime Archaic artifacts number only a few specimens and did not appear to be in situ. Some occurred in the Dorset Eskimo midden deposit, while others were collected from the eroding bank. The bulk of the collection (approximately 80%) consists of Dorset Eskimo tools, with Recent Indian artifacts comprising about 18%. At least one artifact recovered from a deposit below the Dorset occupation level probably pertains to Groswater phase Palaeo-Eskimo, and a radiocarbon date of 2140±60 B.P. derived from wood charcoal associated with it supports this assumption.
One Dorset structure, constructed of flagstones and incorporating a hearth and a midden was exposed. Radiocarbon dating of both the hearth and the midden suggest that this structure was occupied 1280±60 B.P. (ca. A.D. 670). Another Dorset hearth was excavated and dated 1560±60 B.P. (ca. A.D. 390), and is believed to relate to an older and now partially destroyed structure. This latter hearth was overlain by a possible Recent Indian feature -- a grouping of fire-cracked cobbles and other rocks -- which may be either a hearth or refuse from a hearth. The disturbance of the A.D. 390 Dorset structure may have been effected either by these Indians or by another Dorset group, perhaps the builders of the A.D. 670 house.
The collection of Dorset Eskimo lithic artifacts from Stock Cove includes weapons, a variety of cutting and scraping instruments, manufacturing tools, unfinished forms of tools, fragments of soapstone vessels, and debris from tool-making. These categories include the range of stone artifacts usually discovered at Dorset sites, and indicate that a variety of activities occurred at Stock Cove. Maintenance activities, such as tool manufacture and upkeep along with general housekeeping chores are indicated, in conjunction with the hunting and butchering of land and/or sea animals. The high frequencies of harpoon end blades and microblades suggest that the site was a favoured hunting and butchering locale.
A distinctive chert was used for making most of the Dorset tools. Originally blue or blue-green in colour it now exhibits a white, brown, or mottled brown and white patina. Similar material has been recovered from Frenchmen's Island, 13 km north of Stock Cove, from several sites in Placentia Bay, and at locations along the south coast of the Island. It occurs rarely in assemblages from the Beaches and Shambler's Cove in Bonavista Bay. This chert was frequently employed in making harpoon end blades and bifaces, and occasionally scrapers and blades. More commonly, however, the latter tool types were manufactured from crystalline quartz. Grinding is common on chert end blades.Some have body or basal grinding facets, while others are completely ground, after the fashion of a slate end blade. A few bifaces and end scrapers (manufactured from the patinated chert) also show grinding facets.
No faunal remains were recovered from Stock Cove in Dorset Eskimo context. The subsistence routine of the Dorset inhabitants has been inferred from ecological and historical data, and thus remains open to revision. Spring harp seal hunting likely did not figure prominantly in Dorset subsistence at Stock Cove although the possibility exists that different climatic or even weather conditions once brought pack ice and harp seals into inner Trinity Bay on a regular basis, yet I prefer to exclude this possibility until it has been demonstrated. Since the existence of Dorset Eskimo sites along the south coast of Newfoundland clearly shows that harp seals were not vital to Dorset Eskimo survival, I prefer instead to hypothesize a subsistence routine centered around the resources which probably did exist, chiefly caribou and harbour seals, and secondarily grey seals, salmon, arctic hare, and several species of coastal fishes and birds.
"Regionalism" and the Dorset Eskimo Occupation Of Newfoundland
As the term "region" has been repeatedly employed in this work its usage deserves some consideration. In one sense a region is a convenience of archaeology, allowing for the grouping of data beyond the level of the individual site. The "west coast", "northeast coast", etc., as used in the preceding chapter are such regions. In another sense a region may be "... roughly equivalent to the space that might be occupied by a social unit larger than the community" (Willey and Phillips 1958:19), and thus have social significance with respect to its inhabitants. The current status of Newfoundland Dorset archaeology suggest that at least three such regional divisions of the island's Dorset Å¡Eskimo population existed. These are hypothetical and remain open to further refinement, or refutation.
Newfoundland was first populated by Dorset people ca. 1800-1900 B.P. Sites which might relate to this early period are few and dispersed, and give the impression of a small and scattered population. By 1750-1700 B.P. Dorset people had established themselves along much of the Island's coast, and the increase in the number of sites dating to the period 1500-1700 B.P. appears to argue for an increasing population size and density. Hypothetically, this burgeoning population may have created a need for "regionalism", as Dorset bands found it difficult to roam freely along the Island's coast without competing with neighbouring groups. Forced to restrict their mobility, the Dorset people intensified their utilization of local regions, creating large permanent or semi-permanent villages when possible or, alternately, small hunting or procurement stations associated with centralized base camps. Viewed in another manner the "cause" and "effect" element of this reasoning can be reversed, producing an alternate hypothesis: the intensified utilization of local regions -- made possible by increased familiarity with resources, and concurrent technological innovations -- resulted in increased population densities and regional identifications. The onus is on future researchers to determine whether the "regional expressions" suggested below reflect consciously established and maintained territories, as the first hypothesis suggests, or whether "regionalism" is a by-product of adaptation, in accordance with the second hypothesis.
The western expression of Newfoundland Dorset culture is observed along the west coast of the Island and the east coast of the Great Northern Peninsula. It is characterized by a Å¡subsistence routine involving the intensive exploitation of sea mammals throughout most seasons of the year, from permanent or semi-permanent encampments from which these mammals were readily available. Terrestrial resources, such as caribou, may have constituted a secondary focus of subsistence. The exploitation of terrestrial resources likely required a settlement shift into interior regions. The great potential of marine resources, however, probably discouraged an extended absence from the coast, and Dorset Eskimo caribou hunting in western Newfoundland most likely occurred in the hinterland of coastal areas, rather than in remote interior regions.
Similar stylistic forms of artifacts are observable throughout the region, with the harpoon end blade being the best indicator of this unity. End blades are relatively short and broad, each with convex sides and a markedly concave base. A variety of fine-grained, colourful cherts were employed in marking these and other tools.
The northeastern expression is seen in Bonavista Bay and, with further work, may be identified in the eastern part of Notre Dame Bay. Subsistence is again centred around sea-mammals, yet exploitive strategies differed in response to the availability of this resource. Large encampments were not possible due to the dispersal of sea mammal resources; instead, smaller groups practised a more mobile hunt, at times creating specialized seal hunting stations. Similar stations, established for caribou hunting, may exist in hinterland regions.
Some artifacts types from Bonavista Bay are stylistically distinct from western Newfoundland ones. The harpoon end blades are generally larger than those found in the west, with a greater length-width ratio, a slightly concave or straight base, and gently convex or straight sides. The colourful, fine-grained cherts found in the west are rare.Tools are most commonly Å¡manufactured from blue or grey rhyolite.
The southern expression may in fact incorporate two or more variants. It includes, for now, the entire Dorset occupation of southern Newfoundland from the Isthmus of Avalon to Cape Ray. In response to the absence of migratory seal herds, the Dorset occupants of this coast developed a subsistence routine utilizing, on a regular basis, a wider variety of resources. Neither single resource was sufficient in itself to provide ample subsistence, and consequentlyconsiderable mobility was necessary. Large population groupings were also not feasible, except in locations where two or more major resources occurred in close proximity to one another, as was the case along the Isthmus of Avalon. In the Isthmus region the proximity of marine and terrestrial resources permitted both to be reached from the same coastal camp locations.
Artifacts, including harpoon end blades, are more similar to northeastern ones than western ones, yet differences are observable, most notably the presence of grinding on harpoon end blades. A single chert type is predominant at most sites. This material was originally blue or blue-green in colour, but now exhibits a white or brown patina. Quartz crystal is second in popularity but quite common, and was extensively used for making end scrapers and microÂblades.
Sites on the boundaries between regions exhibit artifact assemblages that are stylistically more diverse than are assemblages from sites within the heartland of each region. Cape Ray is located on the boundary between the western expression and the southern expression. Elements of west coast and south coast assemblages are present in its Dorset artifact collection -- e.g., at least two styles of harpoon end blades -- as well as a mixture of fine-grained, colourful cherts and patinated chert. The Pittman site on Sop's Island may occupy a similar position between the western expression and the northeastern expression. The diversity in the assemblages from these sites may be due to actual contact between Dorset Eskimos from the different regions. Alternatively, temporally discrete occupations at each site may have occurred, with the range of artifact styles and raw materials resulting from mixed assemblages. It is perhaps no coincidence that the concept of a unique and homogeneous "Newfoundland Dorset" or "typical Newfoundland Dorset" became widespread following the research of Urve Linnamae at the two sites discussed above: Pittman site, Sop's Island, and the Cape Ray Light site. These sites have produced artifact collections exhibiting greater diversity than most Newfoundland Dorset assemblages, and have masked the regional distinctions that are now evident as a result of further research.
The Dorset Eskimos were the most populous group to have inhabited insular Newfoundland during prehistory. Their sites outnumber those of Maritime Archaic, Recent Indian, and Groswater people, and usually eclipse them in size and richness. With two or three exceptions, all Dorset Eskimo sites discovered to date are located on the coast, implying that Dorset subsistence was oriented primarily towards the sea. Future archaeological research in interior Newfoundland may disclose further evidence of Dorset Eskimo occupation, yet I believe that an extensive occupation of remote interior regions will not be demonstrated. Newfoundland Dorset subsistence was focused on marine resources, and secondarily on terrestrial resources that could be reached through short journeys from the coast.
The data, if not the interpretations, presented in this work argue strongly against the concept of a "typical Newfoundland Dorset" culture. The concept originally arose as a generalization drawn from minimal data, and as new sites are found and explored, the complexity of at least 800 years of Dorset Eskimo history in insular Newfoundland becomes apparent. This complexity will only be clarified through additional excavations, and detailed comparative studies of sites and assemblages.
The Dorset Eskimos were the most populous prehistoric group to have inhabited Newfoundland. They achieved this population size, and survived in Newfoundland for 800 years, because of their ability to respond to local ecological conditions. The diversity observed today amongst their sites and assemblages in Newfoundland is indicative of the Dorset Eskimos' adaptability.
Newfoundland was first populated by Dorset people ca. 1800-1900 B.P. Sites which might relate to this early period are few and dispersed, and give the impression of a small and scattered population. By 1750-1700 B.P. Dorset people had established themselves along much of the Island's coast, and the increase in the number of sites dating to the period 1500-1700 B.P. appears to argue for an increasing population size and density. Hypothetically, this burgeoning population may have created a need for "regionalism", as Dorset bands found it difficult to roam freely along the Island's coast without competing with neighbouring groups. Forced to restrict their mobility, the Dorset people intensified their utilization of local regions, creating large permanent or semi-permanent villages when possible or, alternately, small hunting or procurement stations associated with centralized base camps. Viewed in another manner the "cause" and "effect" element of this reasoning can be reversed, producing an alternate hypothesis: the intensified utilization of local regions -- made possible by increased familiarity with resources, and concurrent technological innovations -- resulted in increased population densities and regional identifications. The onus is on future researchers to determine whether the "regional expressions" suggested below reflect consciously established and maintained territories, as the first hypothesis suggests, or whether "regionalism" is a by-product of adaptation, in accordance with the second hypothesis.
The western expression of Newfoundland Dorset culture is observed along the west coast of the Island and the east coast of the Great Northern Peninsula. It is characterized by a Å¡subsistence routine involving the intensive exploitation of sea mammals throughout most seasons of the year, from permanent or semi-permanent encampments from which these mammals were readily available. Terrestrial resources, such as caribou, may have constituted a secondary focus of subsistence. The exploitation of terrestrial resources likely required a settlement shift into interior regions. The great potential of marine resources, however, probably discouraged an extended absence from the coast, and Dorset Eskimo caribou hunting in western Newfoundland most likely occurred in the hinterland of coastal areas, rather than in remote interior regions.
Similar stylistic forms of artifacts are observable throughout the region, with the harpoon end blade being the best indicator of this unity. End blades are relatively short and broad, each with convex sides and a markedly concave base. A variety of fine-grained, colourful cherts were employed in marking these and other tools.
The northeastern expression is seen in Bonavista Bay and, with further work, may be identified in the eastern part of Notre Dame Bay. Subsistence is again centred around sea-mammals, yet exploitive strategies differed in response to the availability of this resource. Large encampments were not possible due to the dispersal of sea mammal resources; instead, smaller groups practised a more mobile hunt, at times creating specialized seal hunting stations. Similar stations, established for caribou hunting, may exist in hinterland regions.
Some artifacts types from Bonavista Bay are stylistically distinct from western Newfoundland ones. The harpoon end blades are generally larger than those found in the west, with a greater length-width ratio, a slightly concave or straight base, and gently convex or straight sides. The colourful, fine-grained cherts found in the west are rare.Tools are most commonly Å¡manufactured from blue or grey rhyolite.
The southern expression may in fact incorporate two or more variants. It includes, for now, the entire Dorset occupation of southern Newfoundland from the Isthmus of Avalon to Cape Ray. In response to the absence of migratory seal herds, the Dorset occupants of this coast developed a subsistence routine utilizing, on a regular basis, a wider variety of resources. Neither single resource was sufficient in itself to provide ample subsistence, and consequentlyconsiderable mobility was necessary. Large population groupings were also not feasible, except in locations where two or more major resources occurred in close proximity to one another, as was the case along the Isthmus of Avalon. In the Isthmus region the proximity of marine and terrestrial resources permitted both to be reached from the same coastal camp locations.
Artifacts, including harpoon end blades, are more similar to northeastern ones than western ones, yet differences are observable, most notably the presence of grinding on harpoon end blades. A single chert type is predominant at most sites. This material was originally blue or blue-green in colour, but now exhibits a white or brown patina. Quartz crystal is second in popularity but quite common, and was extensively used for making end scrapers and microÂblades.
Sites on the boundaries between regions exhibit artifact assemblages that are stylistically more diverse than are assemblages from sites within the heartland of each region. Cape Ray is located on the boundary between the western expression and the southern expression. Elements of west coast and south coast assemblages are present in its Dorset artifact collection -- e.g., at least two styles of harpoon end blades -- as well as a mixture of fine-grained, colourful cherts and patinated chert. The Pittman site on Sop's Island may occupy a similar position between the western expression and the northeastern expression. The diversity in the assemblages from these sites may be due to actual contact between Dorset Eskimos from the different regions. Alternatively, temporally discrete occupations at each site may have occurred, with the range of artifact styles and raw materials resulting from mixed assemblages. It is perhaps no coincidence that the concept of a unique and homogeneous "Newfoundland Dorset" or "typical Newfoundland Dorset" became widespread following the research of Urve Linnamae at the two sites discussed above: Pittman site, Sop's Island, and the Cape Ray Light site. These sites have produced artifact collections exhibiting greater diversity than most Newfoundland Dorset assemblages, and have masked the regional distinctions that are now evident as a result of further research.
The Dorset Eskimos were the most populous group to have inhabited insular Newfoundland during prehistory. Their sites outnumber those of Maritime Archaic, Recent Indian, and Groswater people, and usually eclipse them in size and richness. With two or three exceptions, all Dorset Eskimo sites discovered to date are located on the coast, implying that Dorset subsistence was oriented primarily towards the sea. Future archaeological research in interior Newfoundland may disclose further evidence of Dorset Eskimo occupation, yet I believe that an extensive occupation of remote interior regions will not be demonstrated. Newfoundland Dorset subsistence was focused on marine resources, and secondarily on terrestrial resources that could be reached through short journeys from the coast.
The data, if not the interpretations, presented in this work argue strongly against the concept of a "typical Newfoundland Dorset" culture. The concept originally arose as a generalization drawn from minimal data, and as new sites are found and explored, the complexity of at least 800 years of Dorset Eskimo history in insular Newfoundland becomes apparent. This complexity will only be clarified through additional excavations, and detailed comparative studies of sites and assemblages.
The Dorset Eskimos were the most populous prehistoric group to have inhabited Newfoundland. They achieved this population size, and survived in Newfoundland for 800 years, because of their ability to respond to local ecological conditions. The diversity observed today amongst their sites and assemblages in Newfoundland is indicative of the Dorset Eskimos' adaptability.